What the death of a blind man reveals

asmelash
asmelash

The life plagued by injuries and now the death of Asmelash Woldeselassie highlights the brutality and cyclical nature of conflicts in the mountainous region of Tigray, Ethiopia.

Having joined the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) at the time of his formation in 1975, Asmelash lost his sight when he was bombed in his hiding place on Imba Alaje mountain during the war that ended with the guerrilla movement marching to the capital of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, to take over the notorious Mengistu regime Haile Mariam in 1991.

Then, in 1998, when the TPLF-led government found itself at the center of a border war with Eritrea, Asmelash lost his left arm in an air strike in the regional capital, Mekelle.

In the last conflict in which the TPLF was once again a guerrilla movement, Asmelash – who was a member of its executive – was killed along with two other TPLF veterans – ex-foreign minister Seyoum Mesfin and ex-minister for federal affairs Abay Tsehaye.

Aksum, monk overlooking the Monastery of Abba Pantelewon, founded in the 6th century
Tigray is a sparsely populated mountainous region

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, 44 – who ordered the military operation that ultimately led to their death – was a junior member of the TPLF-led coalition government until his rise to power in 2018.

Now he and the TPLF are enemies fighting for control of Tigray, a strategically important region bordering Sudan and Eritrea, the gateway to the Red Sea sea routes.

Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki reportedly sent troops to Tigray to support the Ethiopian military operation and, some say, avenge his humiliation at the hands of the TPLF during the 1998-2000 border war that left some 100,000 dead.

Both governments deny that Eritrean troops are in Tigray, although many Tigrayans, Eritreans and the US government claim to be there.

Abiy declared victory over the TPLF after the capture of the regional capital, Mekelle, on November 28, but promised that efforts to seize the TPLF “clique” – which was estimated at 250,000 fighters under his command – will continue.

Handcuffed and disheveled

It is not clear how Asmelah, Seyoum and Abay – all over the age of 60 – died: some claim they were shot in cold blood, but the official Ethiopian version is that they were killed in a cave after refusing to surrender.

Their deaths came at the top of the capture of several other TPLF bastions – including Sebhat Nega, who paraded in front of the camera in handcuffs and looking disheveled, in a scene reminiscent of the capture of former Iraqi ruler Saddam Hussein in 2003.

Faisal Roble, of the United States-based Horn of Africa Studies and Affairs Institute, said Abiy’s supporters are celebrating the fate of men who belonged to an organization that ruled Ethiopia with an iron fist until mass protests forced her to relinquish power to Mr. Abiy almost three years ago.

“They are saying, ‘We have the TPLF. We are destroying it. They will never be able to oppress us again. ‘

“But Tigrayans – including those who never liked TPLF – are saying, ‘You killed Asmelash, a blind man, Seyoum, who had surgery on his back and struggled to walk, Abay, who had cardiac surgery, and you humiliated Sebath , which can ‘go up two stairs. These are our heroes. ‘”

A child reads some English words during his class at school inside the Um Rakuba camp on January 8, 2021 in Um Rakuba, Sudan
About 60,000 people from Tigray are in refugee camps in Sudan

Eritrean exiled human rights activist Paulos Tesfagiorgis said there was no doubt that, almost three months after the start of the conflict, the TPLF suffered major setbacks after being hit by drone attacks and the massive displacement of troops from Ethiopia and Eritrea, as well as forces from the Amhara region in Ethiopia, which in the country’s federal system has its own land dispute with Tigray.

“The TPLF has lost a lot of ground, a lot of leaders, a lot of fighters and a lot of heavy weaponry. Now it has only medium and light weapons. I don’t think I expected Eritrea to get so involved.

“Isaias followed his old strategy of oppressing the enemy with troops, tanks, armaments and bombing,” said Paulos, adding: “But the TPLF is not over. It has fought intense battles. Now, it has returned to familiar land, the rural areas of Tigray, its mountains and hills, to wage guerrilla war. “

An Ethiopian refugee, who fled the Tigray conflict, is carrying a bed when he arrives at the Tenedba camp in Mafaza, eastern Sudan, on January 8, 2021, after being transported from the reception center.
Many Tigrayans fled on foot and by boat to Sudan

Menychle Meseret, an academic at the University of Gondar in Ethiopia, said that changing the TPLF to guerrilla warfare, after waging a “large-scale” conflict against the Ethiopian military, poses its own dangers.

“With insurgent groups, even a suicide bomber can cause many deaths. In the case of the TPLF, there are still some combatants. There are reports of fighting in some mountainous areas and the TPLF has already ambushed the roads – even on an aid convoy. “

Hunger warnings

Paulos said he believed the government was using hunger as a weapon of war.

“Government soldiers burned the Tigrayan plantations; the offensive took place during harvest time and slaughtered herds. This was happening while the government imposed a total blockade on Tigray. There was no food coming in. Even now, the flow of aid is heavy and restricted.

“People are already starving. There are hunger warnings. This is a war fought without compassion. It reminds me of Mengistu’s phrase: ‘To kill the fish, drain the lake.’ “To weaken the TPLF, the Abiy government has to subjugate civilians, including starving them,” said Paulos.

Ethiopian refugee, who fled the Tigray conflict, walks in the Tenedba camp in Mafaza, eastern Sudan, on January 8, 2021, after being transported from the reception center
Many refugees are concerned about the relatives they left behind

Aid agencies reported that the conflict – which emerged amid the coronavirus pandemic and an infestation of grasshoppers on the plantations – caused a “terrible” situation:

  • More than two million people need help

  • Mass displacements have raised fears of a “massive” transmission from Covid-19

  • Only five of the 40 hospitals are accessible

  • About 300 motorized water sources are dysfunctional

  • Local markets are almost collapsing

A newly appointed government official in Tigray was quoted by the local media as saying that the crisis in the region was “unprecedented in its history”. He estimated the number of people in need of emergency food aid at 4.5 million (up to 75% of the population), the number of displaced persons at 2.5 million, and said his office had received reports from 13 people – including three children – who died of hunger.

The government denied using hunger as a weapon of war, and Menychle said such charges were “completely wrong”.

“The government has sufficient stocks of food, but it cannot deliver it to rural areas because the TPLF is killing drivers. The TPLF wants to orchestrate hunger as a weapon to manipulate global opinion and gain sympathy for it.

“The TPLF gave weapons to the farmers and forced some of them to fight. That is why the plantations ended up being destroyed. The TPLF also controlled government administration for all cities. He destroyed offices – even hospitals – before leaving the cities, ”he said. Menychle said.

The state Human Rights Commission said residents of the Humera agricultural center in western Tigray reported widespread looting of homes and businesses by a group of Amhara youth, militias, special forces, as well as some Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers.

“Looters have also emptied food and grain stocks,” he said, adding that one resident complained that even people sent by the newly appointed government to help them “participate in the theft.”

More about the Tigray crisis:

International Crisis Group Ethiopian analyst William Davison said the federal government was delivering some aid in areas where its troops, or Amhara security forces, were firmly in control.

But this was not happening in areas where Tigrayan’s forces were still a major threat, as the government did not want them to obtain aid supplies or find ways to smuggle fuel or weapons.

“Large sections of rural Tigray have not been helped because there is insufficient federal control or a lot of insecurity.

“Aid is going to Mekelle, the regional capital, and some parts of the south or west, as federal or Amhara forces are in control of these places,” he said.

‘Eritrean troops in the holy city’

Davison added that bringing aid to areas under the control of Eritrean troops was also difficult from a logistical and political point of view, as there was still no recognition from the Ethiopian or Eritrean leadership that the latter’s forces were part of the conflict. Tigray.

Local residents told the BBC that Eritrean forces were in major cities and towns, including Aksum, the most sacred site for Ethiopian Orthodox Christians, and Wukro, only about 45 km (28 miles) from Mekelle.

They withdrew from Shire, the birthplace of Tigray’s deposed president, Debretsion Gebremichael, after helping Ethiopian forces take control, but still had a strong presence in neighboring villages, residents said.

Key role of Sudan

Martin Plaut – senior researcher at the University of London’s British Community Studies Institute – said that control of the territory is not an indicator of who is winning.

Map
Map

“TPLF does not believe in maintaining cities and towns. She fights in the hills and mountains. It allows the enemy to establish itself.

“Then it carries out hit-and-run attacks and wears down the enemy over months and years. It did what it did in the previous guerrilla war. Whether it will be able to wage an effective guerrilla war again, depends on being able to secure ammunition supply routes, fuel and food, “said Plaut.

Last time, the TPLF got its supplies through Sudan. If Sudan agrees to do it again – amid a border dispute with Ethiopia that has led to clashes between its forces – it is the big question, said Plaut.

“It is likely to determine whether this is a long or a short war.”

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