He hopes, however, that things will change under Biden – and that he may be the person who will get Congress on the line.
“In addition to the reality of a 50-50 Senate, when we talk about foreign policy, whenever we get a bipartisan base for something – perhaps not absolute, 100 members – we are stronger in the world,” Menendez (DN.J.) said in a statement. interview. “And I believe that President Biden believes that.”
The White House got off to a rough start, however. Menendez quickly registered his dissatisfaction last week, when Biden’s team did not inform him of the president’s retaliatory attacks on Iranian facilities in Syria; and he and other Democrats are already calling for tougher punishments against Saudi Arabia after a U.S. intelligence report officially blamed the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi on the kingdom’s crown prince and de facto leader, Mohammed bin Salman.
“I hope it is just a first step and that the government plans to take concrete steps to make Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman personally responsible for his role in this heinous crime,” Menendez said in a statement.
It is not surprising, then, that there is an ongoing campaign at the White House to get favors from Menéndez, who is not afraid to break with his party and has a history of making things difficult for presidents trying to arm Congress. Keeping Menendez informed will be critical to the success of Biden’s foreign policy.
“It makes all the difference in the world,” said Menendez. “This does not mean that we are going to agree 100 percent of the time. But it does mean that we will understand each other, where we came from – and most likely, we will agree. “
This can be a little optimistic.
The aggressive Menéndez and the Biden government are likely to disagree in a handful of key areas: the nuclear deal with Iran, the United States’ relations with Cuba, the use of United States military force abroad and what to do about Nicolás Maduro, the Venezuelan dictator.
Generally speaking, Menendez has taken a tough stance on authoritarian regimes and disapproves of the negotiations or agreements that appear to give any concessions to these governments. He probably won’t take it easy on Biden’s team, many of whose members served in the Obama administration, as they seek to save deals like Iran’s, or reestablish ties with Cuba – relationships that have been undermined under former President Donald Trump. He will also insist on greater Congressional participation if and when the United States uses military force abroad.
The Biden team is “right to want to have a good relationship with him. They will agree with him on many things, ”said Ben Rhodes, who served as a key force in diplomatic openings with Cuba and Iran during the Obama years.
“But at some point, there is a vision of the Senate and a vision of the administration, and unless you want to [Menendez] to be in charge of your policy for Cuba, your policy for Venezuela or your policy for Iran, you will probably reach a point where you will have to have a difficult conversation, ”said Rhodes.
A “sounding board” and an ally
Just a month after the new government began, Menendez told POLITICO that the Biden team is already abandoning the Obama model – which he said does not always value Congress’ role in defining US foreign policy – and instead , work closely with the Senate to coordinate and seek contributions.
In fact, senators have reason to be optimistic. Biden is a former chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, and Secretary of State Antony Blinken is the panel’s former team director.
“You have not had a government so populated with people who understand the role of the Senate and also how the Senate can be useful,” said Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.), A senior member of the Foreign Affairs panel who is close to Menendez. “I think they have a great opportunity with Bob as president, considering who the players in the administration are, to really have a very good working relationship.”
But Kaine was among the top critics of Biden’s air strikes in Syria last week, arguing that the president should have sought authorization from Congress. Kaine has for years led the task of revoking the 2001 and 2002 war authorizations that presidents of both parties used to justify US military activity in the Middle East.
Biden’s top deputies, apparently anxious not to repeat the Obama administration’s perceived mistakes, are already working to keep Menendez happy.
In an official statement to POLITICO, Biden’s national security adviser, Jake Sullivan, called Menendez “a sounding board, a source of advice and a leadership voice on the most important national security issues of our time. My team and I are making it a personal priority to contact him and his team regularly and we will continue to do so. ”
In a separate official statement, Blinken promised a similar commitment, saying that Menendez “proved to be efficient and principled”.
But don’t poke Bob
Menendez’s allies say the Biden government would face it at its own risk – especially when Biden is seeking support from lawmakers for a major foreign policy initiative. Menendez’s tendency to work closely with Republicans could be an advantage for a government that took office with an emphasis on bipartisanship. And in a 50-50 Senate, every vote counts.
“I would encourage the Biden government to choose his brain, because if Bob can find something, the Republicans will take it seriously,” said Sen. Lindsey Graham (RS.C.) in an interview.
Menendez vowed to conduct a vigorous oversight of the Biden administration’s foreign policy – something that former President Donald Trump, whose administration routinely disrespected Congress, ignored the law and was openly hostile to Democrats and Republicans.
“When things are not going as well as they should, do not wait for Senator Menendez to lie down. I hope he is very aggressive, ”said Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.), The second best-placed Democrat on the Foreign Affairs Committee.
Presidents have long sought to dull Congress’ efforts to undermine executive power. Cardin experienced this hostility firsthand when he led the charge in 2012 under the Magnitsky Act, which imposed sanctions on Russian human rights violators. Obama ended up turning the bill into law, but Cardin said his White House was “hostile to Congress” because lawmakers were trying to resolve an issue that was traditionally controlled by the executive branch.
“Historically, there has been poor performance by all governments in dealing with Congress. There is a vision that they can do this without us, ”added Cardin.
Menendez felt that the Obama administration did not consult him sufficiently before making important foreign policy decisions. Despite his senior position on the jurisdiction committee, key decisions were often presented to him as a fait accompli, said people who know Menéndez.
“They did not consult enough about the deal with Iran. They just did not know,” said a person close to Menendez. “They knew it was their # 1 problem.”
Obama’s advisers may have had reasons for this – fearing that Menéndez would draw red lines that would fit his options. Menéndez, in particular, is reluctant to appear indulgent to authoritarian regimes in places like Cuba and Iran.
Even if the Biden government keeps Menéndez involved to his satisfaction, he may disagree with some of his initiatives. But he may not go out of his way to present obstacles if they keep him informed.
“I think it is important to include [us], as long as people are engaged in good faith, not just being obstructionists at the end of the day, ”said Menendez.
Former Obama administration officials agreed that keeping Menéndez engaged from the start was critical, but they also said that everyone understands the implications of a 50/50 Senate split between the two parties. Menendez will not want to be seen as a spoiler for his fellow Democrats, some said.
“I have every reason to believe that it will be a cooperative effort,” said one of the former employees. “I do not think [the Biden team] thinks he will try to screw them. “
That said, there is some nervousness in Biden’s circles about the Senate’s chances of confirmation before some of the new president’s nominees who worked on the 2015 Iran deal.
In particular, Biden’s advisers are concerned about Wendy Sherman, one of the main negotiators for the Iran deal, appointed to serve as undersecretary of state. Menendez will play a key role in approving your nomination.
This has led to speculation that one of the reasons why Biden has been defending a relatively hard line against Iran at the moment – demanding that Tehran return to the nuclear deal before the U.S. suspends sanctions – is to calm Menendez and other Iranian hawks while considering Sherman’s appointment.
“I think they are concerned about the nominations,” said another former Obama administration official about Biden’s team. “This is part of the reason why I think you are seeing a tougher line towards Iran now.”