Just a few weeks ago, President Trump had lost the presidential election – whether he admitted it or not – but it still seemed that he had accomplished a remarkable feat: his style of not taking prisoners and contorting reality as the Republican Party leader had at least been somewhat justified by the results in November 3rd.
With him at the top of the ticket, Republican turnout had risen, allowing Republican Party candidates to fall to the polls to avoid the greater losses that many had predicted. Trump’s campaign strategy of increasing turnout for white working-class voters, including many who did not vote in previous elections, seemed to have paid off – at least enough to light a path for the Republican Party.
This week’s events have turned everything aside. The Senate has now become a Democrat after Georgia’s Republican senators lost the runoff elections marked by Trump’s disputes with the state’s Republican leaders.
And then, on Wednesday, on what will be a dark day in the country’s history, Trump ordered a flock of his supporters to march on the Capitol and “show strength”. Hundreds of people broke into the building and ransacked the Senate chamber in an unsuccessful attempt to prevent Congress from ratifying Joe Biden’s legitimate electoral victory.
Chaos left five people dead, including a Capitol Police officer whose death was announced last night, while the nation was horrified. Suddenly, Trump’s control over the party seemed to be loosening. So, where does that leave Republican leaders?
In a word, uncomfortable. Shaken by Wednesday’s violence – and well aware of how unrest could be damaging to the party’s reputation among the most moderate voters – several Republicans in Congress have given up on supporting Trump’s challenge to election results.
But nearly 150 Republican lawmakers, including more than 100 in the House, ended up recording their objection to the results of the Electoral College, setting an extraordinary precedent.
The reality is that Trump remains the most popular and influential public figure among Republican voters.
Polls since November have consistently shown that most Republicans claim to believe the president’s falsehoods about widespread electoral fraud – reflecting not only his personal influence, but also his supporters’ willingness to choose Trump-friendly narratives over faith in civic institutions. (Read Jeremy W. Petersthe brief rehearsal of how conservative analysts are already reshaping Wednesday’s events to absolve Trump of guilt.)
To complicate matters further, Biden has been aggressively courting moderate Americans, including the types of suburban and center-right voters that the Republican Party relied heavily on just a decade ago.
Many Republican officials now recognize that without the support of white, anti-institutional working class voters – who remain largely loyal to Trump – they would be left without any basis.
Still, GOP leaders are feeling the heat. After Wednesday’s confusion, some prominent members of the Trump administration resigned, including Betsy DeVos, the secretary of education, and Elaine Chao, the secretary of transport and the wife of Senator Mitch McConnell, the Republican leader.
The resignations were essentially symbolic, as the government will only last 12 more days, and they looked like an attempt by these officials to wipe their hands and leave, after remaining firmly at the president’s side for the past four years.
Some observers have asked Trump’s cabinet members to invoke the 25th Amendment to remove him from his powers, and at least one House Republican said yesterday that he would support such a move.
John Kelly, Trump’s former chief of staff, said on CNN yesterday that if he were still in the office, he would support the use of the 25th Amendment to oust Trump.
Vice President Mike Pence, however, would object to such action, said a person in his inner circle Maggie Haberman. According to the text of the amendment, Pence and a majority of the cabinet would need to reach an agreement to remove Trump from power before January 20.
Teleprompter Trump is back. In response to the high-ranking indignation of the Republican Party, the president released a brief video speech last night, in which he gloomily read the prepared comments, belatedly committing himself to a peaceful transfer of power.
Almost 24 hours after he launched a video expressing “love” for his Capitol supporters and calling them “very special people”, Trump declared himself “indignant at violence, lawlessness and chaos”.
Contrary to reports that he resisted sending additional forces to retake the Capitol, Trump said he “immediately sent the National Guard and the federal police to protect the building”.
By now, this spree and collapse cycle has become familiar: first, Trump breaks an American governance standard. Then he is quiet as the indignation settles, apparently reveling in the confusion he has unleashed. Finally, after 24 hours or more, he offers a sober and well-rehearsed statement of compunction.
The next step in the process it usually involves Trump returning to social media and picking up where he left off, dropping bombs on his opponents and complaining about “unfair” treatment. But he may not have the same opportunity to do this this time.
Facebook said yesterday that it would block Trump from using its platforms at least until he leaves office. Twitter blocked Trump for almost 24 hours after he released his video on Wednesday praising supporters, although his access was later restored.
With only a dozen days until Biden’s inauguration, it appears that Trump is finally allowing official transitional deals to take place.
He issued a letter yesterday to his ambassadors and other political appointees, instructing them to resign – a move that a typical outgoing president would have taken weeks ago.
The Chief of Police of the US CapitolSteven Sund said yesterday that he would resign next week. A wide range of critics, including spokeswoman Nancy Pelosi, raised questions about why their officers were not better prepared for the attack on the Capitol.
Many also pointed out that the police appeared to have stood aside while the rebels looted the building, and they questioned why so many of the invaders were not arrested.